By Ilja A. Luciak

ISBN-10: 0801867800

ISBN-13: 9780801867804

"Gender equality and significant democratization are inextricably linked," writes Ilja Luciak. "The democratization of primary the USA calls for the entire incorporation of girls as citizens, applicants, and place of work holders." In After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala, Luciak indicates how former guerrilla girls in 3 relevant American international locations made the transition from insurgents to mainstream political avid gamers within the democratization process.

Examining the function of girls within the quite a few levels of innovative and nationwide politics, Luciak starts with girls as members and leaders in guerrilla hobbies. ladies contributed significantly to the innovative fight in all 3 international locations, yet thereafter many similarities ended. In Guatemala, ideological disputes lowered women's political effectiveness at either the intra-party and nationwide degrees. In Nicaragua, even supposing women's rights turned a secondary factor for the innovative social gathering, girls have been still in a position to placed the problem at the nationwide schedule. In El Salvador, girls took best roles within the progressive occasion and have been capable of include women's rights right into a extensive reform schedule. Luciak cautions that whereas lively measures to enhance the political function of girls have reinforced formal gender equality, merely the joint efforts of either sexes can result in a profitable transformation of society according to democratic governance and noticeable gender equality.

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Additional info for After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala

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Upon the signing of the peace accords, the FMLN forces were supposed to demobilize in a five-stage process between May 1 and October 31, 1992. The demobilization was supervised by the United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL), which processed and registered the FMLN membership that had been concentrated in camps throughout the country. FMLN members were registered according to their status as combatants, wounded noncombatants, or políticos (FMLN militants who were engaged in political work on behalf of the guerrillas both in El Salvador and abroad).

36 The discrepancy between programmatic statements and practice led some female militants to conclude that the passages on women’s rights were written by an internacionalista, a foreigner who supported the FSLN. Officially, Carlos Fonseca, the FSLN’s eminent intellectual leader, was given credit for the Sandinista Program. Women proved themselves as combatants in a variety of fashions. Three women were part of the FSLN commando group that captured a number of foreign dignitaries and Somozista officials in the December 1974 raid on the house of Chema Castillo.

We as women joined the movement, maybe not because of gender consciousness, but with the realization that we would fight for substantive, profound changes. ”32 In Herrera’s view, gender inequality was reflected early on: even though the FSLN gained a public profile between 1961 and 1963, female figures did not emerge until 1967. Even then women were not accepted as full-time members. At that time the predominant thinking was that a “woman was useful only to cook the meals in the house where those who were in the underground lived, wash their clothes, run their errands, [and] serve as cover for clandestine personnel.

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